By Manish Tiwari and Rajan Pandey,
Excerpt – Pages 178-186
Title: Battleground U.P.: Politics in the Land of Ram
Publisher: Tranquebar-Westland, 2013
According to the 2011 census, Muslims constitute 18.49 percent of Uttar Pradesh's total population. UP has always been a big centre of Muslim culture and politics. After Partition, a large section of Muslims acted as a vote bank for the Congress till 1992, when the Babri Masjid demolition by a RSS and BJP-led mob caused disillusionment with the Congress. Mulayam Singh Yadav became the new favourite of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh, so much so that he was called 'Maulana Mulayam'. The fiery SP leader Azam Khan was one of the first politicians in UP to demand the reconstruction of the Babri Masjid at the same site and together with the MY (Muslim-Yadav) combination, SP continued to remain one of the main players in UP politics.
The demolition also created a unique phenomenon - BJP fear psychosis. With this event, the Muslims had witnessed what BJP could do if in power and all they wanted now was to keep it under check so that it could not cause further harm to the community. The fear of BJP scoring a win became so big in the minority circles that they were ready to align with any other formation and vote en bloc for it to defeat BJP. This fear psychosis became a very useful instrument in the hands of non-NDA (National Democratic Alliance, an alliance of parties led by BJP at the national level) parties who exploited this fear to secure chunks of minority votes in elections, across the nation.
Gradually, BSP too emerged as a key player in attracting minority votes and in the 2007 assembly elections, it attracted a sizeable percentage of the total Muslim votes. The Congress had been making many attempts as well to win back the electoral support of the Muslims, while the BJP had been claiming that all parties wanted to appease the minorities to gain votes, in the hope of polarising Hindu votes. However, in this routine hullabaloo, newer and more radical voices emerged this time, claiming to be the new champions of minority cause.
In September 2008, the Delhi police shot dead two teenagers, Atif and Sazid, in an alleged encounter at Batla House in the Jamia Nagar area, where a police inspector, Mohan Chand Sharma, was also killed. Police alleged that the youngsters were terrorists belonging to the Indian Mujahideen organisation that was responsible for many bomb blasts across the nation. This was the time when a number of bomb blasts had shaken the nation from Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad to Malegaon in Maharashtra, and Ajmer Dargah and Jaipur in Rajasthan to the Sarojini Nagar market blast in Delhi.
Under pressure, police arrested a number of people, most of whom were from Azamgarh, christening the district ’Atankgarh’ (terror citadel). However, a number of people alleged that the youth from Azamgarh arrested or killed in connection with these blasts were innocent. This theory started gaining currency when, despite many attempts, the police could not provide enough evidence to implicate them. Bizarre situations emerged when anti-terrorism squads (ATS) of different states paraded different individuals arrested by them before the media as masterminds for the same bomb blasts. Investigations carried out by the Maharashtra ATS later revealed that most of the terror acts, like the Ajmer blast and the Malegaon blast, were conducted by some ex-RSS functionaries who had confessed to the bombings. This produced a sense of betrayal and victimisation in the minds of the Muslims in the state and the clerics of Azamgarh called the Ulema, built an umbrella formation in September 2008 to resist this injustice. The formation was named Rashtriya Ulema Council.
Claiming to draw inspiration from the freedom struggle, when a number of Ulemas countered colonial power, the Ulema Council pledged to seek justice for the minority community, which was being targeted by the police machinery of different governments, be it the UP ATS of Mayawati's regime or the Delhi police and other national agencies under the Congress's rule. Accusing the ATS of extorting money from Muslims in the name of terror investigations, the council led a series of rallies in Azamgarh, Lucknow and Delhi including the one in Delhi in January 2009, demanding a judicial probe into the Batla House encounter.
A combination of energies of educated Muslim professionals and students, with the traditional authority of clerics gave it a unique character and unlike other minority groups, it talked of Hindu-Muslim unity, asserting the legacy of the 1857 revolt. The Ulema Council also refused to bow down before the fear psychosis of the BJP scoring a win, that always succeded in uniting minority votes behind parties like SP-BSP or Congress who could defeat BJP and discouraged people to vote for smaller Muslim formations, who would act as “spoilers”(vote-katwa in local language) in terms of dividing the anti BJP vote, making it win.It claimed that governments of other parties, like Congress and BSP had been equally bad in terms of neglecting the minorities.Hence it asserted that the Muslims need to come out of the tag of anti-BJP vote bank. They need to vote for a party that takes up their issues more pro-actively unlike Congress and SP, and must support it with all their might, leaving behind the fear that this could help BJP in coming to power, for the SP and Congress were no better than BJP. Thus it called the Muslims to raise a genuine political alternative of theirs, from within their own ranks. For these reasons, political parties who claimed to command minority support were jittery, as the Ulema Council defined democratic rights of minorities in a more modern and nuanced manner. We attended one of their rallies in Delhi where a number of students and teachers from different central universities of the city echoed their support for the cause of the Ulema Council, questioning the government on why it could not guarantee the protection of the rights of its Muslim citizens. The Ulema Council's rallies pulled huge crowds and a number of burqa-clad women were seen partipating, a phenomenon that was quite rare until then.
The party fielded five candidates in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, including two Hindus. Its Azamgarh candidate, Dr Javed Akhtar polled 59,270 votes, while BSP's Akbar Ahmad (Dumpy) was defeated by BJP's Ramakant Yadav by an almost equal number of votes. Though the party could not win any seats, its performance was not to be ignored. However, the victory of BJP in Azamgarh (due to Ulema Council acting as spoiler) demoralised a number of council supporters and as the momentum around the anti-victimisation drive weakened due to a decline in such cases, the Ulema Council started losing ground.
In the 2012 assembly elections, the party failed to win any seat, not even coming second for any of the ten seats at its headquarters in Azamgarh. While the Ulema Council was becoming obsolete, another minority group was raising its head. But unlike the council which had tried to unite the Muslims, this group highlighted its differences, sabotaging the very conception of the Umma (brotherhood).
In February 2008, Dr Ayub, a senior surgeon from Badhalganj, Gorakhpur floated the Peace Party of India (PPI) which targeted a unique factor of Islam in India – caste among Muslims. Islam denies any kind of discrimination between the faithful, but when it entered India, it could not remain untouched by the caste system which entered Islamic ranks as well; the main groups being forward Muslims or Ashraf and the backward Muslims or Pasmanda.
Ansaris, who are mainly associated with weaving, constitute the most vocal and radical section of the Pasmanda Muslim community in Eastern UP. This community became the flag bearer of the Peace Party. A local journalist in Balrampur told us, 'Ansaris are the main force of Muslim politics in the region, but are least represented in leadership and their socio-economic condition is not very good either. That's why they are attracted to Dr Ayub's Peace Party as it seems to be their own party and promises them a bigger share in the pie.' At a number of places in Eastern UP, we encountered upper caste minority leaders who waxed eloquent against the Peace Party and its crazy Ansari supporters who were so jahil (illiterate) that they could sabotage the interest of the entire Muslim community while supporting 'their own leader'.
The PPI fielded twenty-one candidates in UP in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, but failed to make any noticeable impact on most of the seats, not winning even one though it polled approximately five lakh votes in total. However, it devised a unique campaign line and election strategy during the 2012 elections. Using its strong hold over the Ansari and other backward caste Muslims, it also fielded candidates from Hindu castes dominant in the constituency to create a winning combination. The party's slogan Ekta ka raj chalega, Hindu-Muslim saath chalega (Hindu-Muslim will march together and their unity will rule)symbolised this arrangement. Its unique approach attracted many unlikely elements; from ex-bureaucrats like former Uttar Pradesh DGP Yashpal Singh to Jitendra Singh Babloo, the suspended BSP MLA from Bikapur who was accused of burning UP Congress president, Rita Bahuguna Joshi's house.
Furthermore, PPI urged Muslims to break free of BJP's fear tactics. Party president Dr Ayub targeted all parties, be it Congress, BSP (to a lesser extent) or SP for neglecting the development of Muslims, acting not very differently from the BJP and declining to implement recommendations of the Sachhar Committee, which had advised separate reservation and other affirmative actions for Muslims.
His extensive tours to different areas of UP helped the party create an environment for itself and develop an efficient organisational structure. Dr Ayub asked Muslims to look beyond the Babri Masjid demolition issue, a subject sub-judice in the court. The Peace Party made the progress of Muslims a central concern and speeches by its leaders virtually lacked any inflammatory content.
The party decided to cut into the minority vote base of the Samajwadi Party as Dr Ayub told India Today in an interview, 'We are looking at building ourselves by taking away the SP votes.' Promising to strive to have a Muslim chief minister in the state, the party gained a lot of attention in the run-up to the elections, with allegations of working for BJP hurled against it by other parties. Infact BJP leaders were very excited about PPI's good performance as this would have caused a split in the minority votes, giving BJP an opportunity to improve its chances in Poorvanchal. A BJP leader in Barabanki said, Peace Party musalmano ka vote khayegi, aur hindu vote ka dhruvikaran karke hum is bar Poorvanchal main pachas se jyada seat jitenge (Peace Party will divide Muslim votes and by polarisation of Hindu votes we will manage to win fifty seats in Poorvanchal alone).
The calculations however did not work.
The Peace Party formed a front known as Ittehad Front or Ekta Manch in alliance with other smaller caste-based parties like Apna Dal, Bundelkhand Congress, and Bhartiya Samaj Party and fielded about 208 candidates of its own in UP.
By the time of the 2012 elections, Peace Party's initial hype started to dwindle, some reasons being infighting among its members, frequent changes in candidates and allegations of taking money to give party tickets. In places like Kapilvastu (SC) in Siddharthanagar district, a last-minute ticket denial brought humiliation to the PPI as there were two candidates from the party there. First, the ticket was given to Moti Lal Vidyarthi and the party’s symbol – a ceiling fan – was allotted to him, but on the last day of the nomination, Moti Lal was sidelined and Manju Singh was given the ticket. However, as time was short, the party could not allot her the symbol. Thus, there were two PPI candidates in Kapilvastu – the unofficial candidate Moti Lal Vidyarthi who contested on the official election symbol, and the official candidate Manju Singh who contested on an unofficial symbol. When we spoke to some local Muslim youth about it, they said, Dr Ayub ne dukaan khol rakhi hai; jo jyada paisa le ke pahuch jata hai usi ko purane se cheen ke ticket de dete hain (Dr Ayub has opened up a shop; anyone who goes with more money is given a ticket to replace the old candidate)!
The party's electoral performance fell far short of its expectations. SP had swept much of the minority votes. PPI did manage to win four seats, with one winner, Akhilesh Singh of Rae Bareli, being from the Hindu community. However, Akhilesh Singh's victory cannot be attributed to the Peace Party as he was already a dominant figure in Rae Bareli, winning this seat for a number of years as an independent because of his groundedness and strongman image.
Even so, PPI is the sixth biggest party in the UP assembly in terms of seats, polling 2.35 percent votes in the state, coming second on three seats and third on eight more. BJP's hopes were shattered though, as it could win only eight of those sixty-one seats where PPI won a sizeable number of votes.
Another experiment of creating a Muslim party was carried out by Mukhtar Ansari, the infamous criminal politician of Ghazipur who launched the Quami Ekta Dal (QED) in Ghazipur and nearby districts. As its name implied, the party talked about Hindu-Muslim unity, and refuting media reports claiming that Ansari was only a communal leader, the people of Ghazipur told us that he was supported by Hindus and Muslims alike. A number of educated Ghazipur residents told us with pride that this was the home district of the famous writer Rahi Masum Raza and had never witnessed any communal riots – a fact that frequently appeared in Raza’s writings as well. They also said that the riots that had broken out in nearby Mau had been triggered by BJP-RSS functionaries and the alleged killing of BJP MLA Krishnand Rai by Ansari supporters was more because of underworld rivalries than communal targeting. However, the party did not have a distinct agenda or a mass-base and revolved around the personal charisma and influence of Mukhtar Ansari. In the 2012 elections, it fielded forty-three candidates and managed to win two seats, one in Mohammadabad in Ghazipur where Ansari's brother Sibgatullah Ansari won and the other in Mau, where Mukhtar Ansari himself romped home.
Though a couple of these new experiments presented a new brand of Muslim politics, which adopted communal harmony and development as their propaganda, it did not mean that communalism and fanaticism were out of the picture. In the hullabaloo of modern minority parties, a primarily religious outfit of a Barelvi sect known as Ittehad-e-Millat Council (IMC) decided to rely on the time-tested recipe of hatred and fanaticism. What is surprising is that this party, centred only in Bareilly was part of the Ittehad Front led by PPI and was supported by Mukhtar Ansari's QED as well.
Bareilly is a city with a credible history of Hindu-Muslim unity, though attempts have been made by a number of forces to spread communal hatred and violence. However, the common people of both religions have always tried to prevent this from happening. Some people have tried to change the name of the famous Ayub Khan Chauraha to Patel Chowk, in an attempt to Hindu-ise it by using Sardar Patel's name, but the people of Bareilly refused to communalise spaces in this manner. Ayub Khan Chauraha is still called by that name by the majority of Bareilly's citizens, irrespective of religion.
On 2 March 2010, the day of the Baravafat procession, a riot broke out in Bareilly on a minor issue of brick-batting between Hindus and Muslims. Curfew was imposed, which continued for fifteen days, but when the police arrested IMC president Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan on charges of inciting riots, his supporters came out in thousands on the roads, breaking curfew to demand his release. Succumbing to the pressure, the BSP government released him and lifted all charges against him, after which fresh riots and arson broke out in the city. Dozens were arrested and many more were injured.
Maulana Tauqeer saw a political opportunity in this incident like his BJP counterparts, and used the moment to rally people behind him. Newspaper reports and statements of a number of people we spoke to alleged that he had incited the riots with hate speeches, while some BJP leaders had allegedly tried to do the same with the Hindus.
In the assembly elections, Maulana Tauqeer's IMC party fielded eighteen candidates and resorted to all sorts of attempts to polarise minority votes, with BJP doing the same. While the IMC managed to win only the Bhojipura seat of Bareilly, the older and more experienced player of such politics, the BJP, proved to be more successful, winning three seats in Bareilly and losing the Baheri seat by a margin of only eighteen votes.
(....)
In the absence of a distinct agenda, programme or urge for the betterment of their own caste voters, these opportunistic parties (like several other smaller political parties) were more like vehicles for individual leaders desperate to shape their own political careers and the voters showed little interest in helping them accomplish this objective.
(This article in part of a chapter on “Politics of Social Engineering” in a new book Battleground UP: Politics in the land of Ram. )
The official launch of book in scheduled to be held on September 4, 2013 at the Constitution Club at 5.0 pm.
Authors Bio:
Manish Tiwari
Manish Tiwari has been associated with electronic and print media for almost fifteen years in different places, capacities and institutions and has intermittently taught sociology, journalism and media & cultural studies at different colleges and universities in the country since 2006. He is a PhD from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi on UGC–Research Fellowship and has presented papers and delivered lectures in several universities in India and abroad. Manish has co-edited a book on participatory democracy with Prof. Anand Kumar in 2009 and another book on social aspects of water-management would be out in print in 2013. He now works independently in fields of communications and social research and lives in New Delhi with his wife and eight months old daughter, Twitter.
Rajan Pandey
Rajan Pandey is a PhD candidate at the Centre for Political Studies JNU, and has a diverse range of interests- from literature to strategic affairs, traveling, cooking and but of course, eating. He grew up in UP’s Mainpuri district and is currently in Goettingen, Germany on a Doctoral Visiting Fellowship at the Centre for Modern Indian Studies. Associated with student politics for seven years, Rajan intends to take up politics after finishing his PhD.